Black Crawling Systems Archive Release 1.0/Black Crawling Systems Archive Release 1.0 (L0pht Heavy Industries, Inc.)(1997).ISO/tezcat/UNSORTED/2_4_Murder___Note_the_D

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Subject: 2/4 Murder:  Note the Defense Contractors Named
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Part 2 of 4 parts continued
(screwed up the first message, it said 1/1 and should have been 1/4)
If this arrives garbled, please let me know.  We've had great difficulty
sending/receiving this text due to intentional interference with email traffic.

AEN NEWS

Courtesy of one of our great sources
who prefers to remain unknown.

        Summary:  Kohn, Howard.  Who Killed Karen Silkwood?, New York, New
York, Summit Books, 1981.  Kohn is an award-winning investigative reporter
and Senior Editor at Rolling Stone magazine.  He investigated the Silkwood
case since 1974.

=============================================

complicated, unpopular problems."
        An official from Westinghouse told Stockton that forty-four
pounds of plutonium was unaccounted for at Kerr-McGee, only to suddenly
recant later.  Others, including Atomic Energy Commission inspectors,
said the same thing to journalist Burnham, but refused to go on the record.
         One worker said that if Silkwood had kept her nose out of
things, she would still be alive.  Another told Stockton to get out of
town or else he would be shot.
        Win Turner, another honest congressional investigator, said the
final Government Accounting Office report had problems.  They had relied
almost exclusively upon Kerr-McGee and the Atomic Energy Commission for
all of their information.  "The report reads like concentric circles."
But the report said that security around nuclear energy plants was
"inadequate at best."  There were thirty-six violations in one plant
alone.  At two others, unauthorized people had gotten into high-risk
areas.  At another, doors were unlocked and alarms turned off.  Three had
huge holes in the surrounding fences.  For the last twenty-three years, a
total of eight thousand pounds of nuclear material, cumulative for all
facilities, was missing.  In one case, a whole truckload was missing.
        The possibility existed that it was being sold either on the
black market, or on the gray market, "an international consortium of
seventy-nine companies from eighteen countries" known as the World
Nuclear Fuel Market.  About half were American companies, some of which
had been shipping nuclear material overseas.  Since 1973, after Nixon had
slid through a legal loophole, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission only had
to approve the first leg of the sale.  Once the American companies sold
it to European companies, it went anywhere.  Prior to 1973 when only the
government could sell nuclear material, these companies could have been
charged with treason.  In 1976 alone, sixty pounds of plutonium was sold
through private commercial sales.
        Congress was still unaware of what was happening with this gray
market.  The new loophole presented a vast temptation to companies to lie
regarding the nuclear matter stuck in their pipes, stockpile it, then
sell it secretly overseas.  Munitions companies had been secretly doing
it with weapons for years.
        Turner thought that the Silkwood case smelled to high heaven.  He
was not willing to go so far as to say the Federal Bureau of
Investigation or the Government Accounting Office were covering up, but
they certainly were not thorough in their investigations.  "This lady was
set to blow the whistle on Kerr-McGee, and they're trying to say she
nodded off on her way to do it?  I don't buy it."  He wouldn't chalk it
up to a drug overdose either.
        Turner said that Stockton had "the impression there's a really
powerful force that doesn't want the truth to come out."
        Congressman Dingell and Senator Metcalf were reluctant to take
the case because it was so controversial.
        When Turner put in a standard request for plane fare to go
investigate on site, his request was denied.  Stockton and Turner went to
find out why.  They were told they just wanted to make trouble for people
who had just been following orders and doing their jobs.  Stockton and
Turner objected, saying the case justified the request since it involved
allegations of murder, fraud, and smuggling plutonium.  Their answer:
"You've been told national security is at stake.  You're both old enough
to take a hint.  The case is out of bounds."
        Stockton and Turner uncovered letters from the Atomic Energy
Commission to Kerr-McGee dating back to November of 1972 and March of
1975 which referenced missing plutonium and warning Kerr-McGee about its
lack of security.  The Atomic Energy Commission's concern about it
progressively worsened until it was requesting daily reports from
Kerr-McGee.  Then, inexplicably, the Atomic Energy Commission's attitude
suddenly reversed:  Inspectors were recalled and Kerr-McGee's operations
were allowed to go forward with no further interference.
        One news investigator was told by a Kerr-McGee executive, "All we
have to do now is get rid of the rest of the trouble-makers."  The
executive went on to describe a plan to shut down Kerr-McGee temporarily
so that lie-detector tests could be administered.  Union organizers would
not be hired back, but told they simply did not clear security.
        True to the plan, when people were called back to work, the union
organizers were let go, all except for one, Jack Tice, too close to the
Labor Relations Board to fire.  So they did the next best thing,
restricted him to an isolated warehouse where organizing people was
impossible since he never saw any.
        Another employee verified the plan.  One of the Kerr-McGee
workers said that, when five workers had been contaminated on the job,
their Kerr-McGee supervisors were saying "it was a deliberate masochistic
act - and for this ostensible reason" they were shutting down and running
lie detector tests.  Workers had to pass security before they could
return to work.
        During the lie detector tests, which were designed by Jim
Reading, Kerr-McGee's security chief, Kerr-McGee was asking some strange
questions, none of which had anything to do with security, like:

Have you ever talked to Karen Silkwood?  To Drew Stephens?  To Steve
Wodka?          To Ilene Younghein?  To the news media?
Are you a member of the union?
Have you been involved with anti-company or anti-nuclear activities?
Have you ever had an affair with another employee?  Do you know anyone
who         has?

        Reading was, overall, a man who Nazis would have been proud to
claim as their own.  He had developed a band of personal stooges.  They
began rumors about Silkwood to smear her.  They claimed she was a liar
who had no proof and no documents.  Because of the one Quaalude, they
said she died in a drug stupor.  Because of her attempts to improve
safety, they said she was out to get the company, that she was trying to
get the Atomic Energy Commission to yank Kerr-McGee's operating license.
        People on the street believed the rumors.  One of them felt she
must have been a real dope addict to slam her car at fifty miles an hour
into a cement culvert.  The rumors were that she had a plan:  "Sneak out
plutonium, poison herself, blame the company, then commit suicide and
hope that that too was blamed on Kerr-McGee."
        Evidence showed otherwise:  There had been seventy-three
contaminations prior to Silkwood's that Kerr-McGee didn't care about, so
why would seventy-four suddenly matter?  Further, if Silkwood had wanted
to embarrass Kerr-McGee, she would have done it at a Kerr-McGee site, not
at her own apartment.
        The disregard for workers was illustrated in some examples:

        One guy got hot his first day there.  He quit the next day, and
no doctor was ever sent to diagnose him.  Another time the company waited
a full day to call in a doctor for seven workers who were hot, and it was
four days before they were checked for lung damage.

        When Silkwood's sister came to investigate, she was stopped by a
young state trooper, who looked startled when he found out she was
Silkwood's sister.  The cop told her, "You best get yourself to Texas and
stay there."
        Kerr-McGee's assertion that there were no documents was
contradicted by eyewitness testimony.  One witness, Alma Hall, said she
had seen Silkwood's file full of papers.  Another witness testified to
the same thing and more:  Jung had seen her notebook, her Kerr-McGee
documents, and Kerr-McGee photomicrographs.  But Jung was terrified,
crying, and begged investigators not to use her name:  "They'd come after
me for sure."
        Later in the investigation, Jung's concerns also included her
previous contaminations.  Her hair had begun to fall out and she had a
tumor in her neck.  Later, after the tumor had been removed, packed in
preservatives, and sent to Los Alamos for analysis to determine whether
it had been infected with plutonium, strangely, the tumor had been
detoured to the Dominican Republic and was lost.  No one would ever know now.
        When Silkwood's boyfriend, Drew, tried to pick up copies of
magazines and newspapers which were carrying the Silkwood story, they
were gone from the newsstand, "as if someone had hopscotched through town
buying them all up."
        When Drew suspected his phones had been bugged, he and Wodka
conducted a test, talking up a decoy story over his phone.  Shortly,
Kerr-McGee's henchman, Reading, was around asking Drew all about it.
        To be the object of secret intelligence gathering is an
intimidating prospect, as Ilene Younghein discovered:  A man had been
calling her acquaintances, asking questions about her, using the guise
that he was checking her references that she had given on a job
application.  But, Younghein had not applied for any jobs.
        A whole group had assembled in the senator's office to request
hearings.  Merle and Bill Silkwood, Karen's mother and father, had
traveled to Washington, D.C. to help make the request.  It was while they
were in Washington the day before they saw the senator that their other
daughter, Rosemary, was in a strange accident in Nederland, the
Silkwoods' home town.  The accident seemed like a warning.  She had been
driving along

an access road over by Beaumont and did not see the other driver until he
shot out of a dead-end street, blindsiding her.  Her reflexes were fast,
fast and smart.  She hit the accelerator and twisted the wheel hard
right.  The two cars passed close enough for the bumpers to make
sparks....Coming out of the spin, her car banged head-on into a phone
pole....The other driver had kept going, never touched horn or brake,
never looked back.  That was what bothered Mr. Silkwood most of all.  An
innocent driver would have stopped, would have made sure the pretty woman
didn't need an ambulance.

        Unfortunately, this was not the end of harassment for the
Silkwood family.  While Bill Silkwood was in Washington attending to the
lawsuit, someone bothered Linda Silkwood, Karen's other sister.  Someone
claiming to be her mother called the school Linda attended.  The person
pretending to be Linda's mother talked to the school secretary, excused
Linda from class, and said she would pick up Linda out front to take her
to a doctor's appointment.  Linda didn't know of any doctor's
appointment, but followed the school secretary's instructions, going out
front to wait.  She had a bad feeling nagging at her.  Then a strange car
came racing up toward her, frightening her back inside where she phoned
her mother.  "Then she got really scared:  her mother knew nothing of a
doctor's appointment."
        Reading, Kerr-McGee's security chief, was a former cop with quite
a network of connections.  He used it to smear Pipkin, pulling out old
petty details given to him by the Pinkertons and friendly cops.
Nitpicking stuff from an old audit by the Internal Revenue Service was
placed in the newspapers to make Pipkin look shady.  Srouji used the same
stuff in her book to smear Pipkin.
        Those likely to side with Silkwood were visited by Reading.  He
not only threatened their jobs, but conveyed the message that they should
leave town while they still could.
        Reading put together a dossier on Silkwood, including every rumor
conceivable and focusing mostly on sexual material and allegations of
homosexuality.  Srouji said she had read Reading's transcripts of
Silkwood's phone conversations, dozens of them:  Apparently Reading had
tapped her phones.
        Drew said Silkwood told him that she had at one time sought love
from her girlfriends out of bitterness toward Drew and Silkwood's former
husband.  It had been a short and unsatisfying experiment for her.  But,
her girlfriends said Silkwood had simply hung out at a few gay bars in an
attempt to make Drew jealous, never sleeping with any women.
        After lobbying the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the
Justice Department to get involved in the investigation, Mazzocchi, a
union official, was in a strange car accident.  He inexplicably blacked
out while driving on the freeway, his car flipping over onto its roof
upside down facing two lanes of oncoming traffic.  Because he never drank
to excess and had never blacked out before in his life, he was very
suspicious that someone had slipped him a mickey.  He demanded a blood
test, which showed no trace of any knock-out pill.  He even did an
experiment later (with a friend to witness) to see what it would take to
get drunk and to see whether he would pass out.
        Later discussions with a veteran investigator, Taylor, revealed
that the Central Intelligence Agency had drugs which could be absorbed
through the skin, drugs which couldn't be traced with regular blood
tests.  Mazzocchi had not been wearing gloves the day he blacked out.  He
could have absorbed something from the steering wheel through the skin on
his palms.  Watergate investigations had revealed that the Central
Intelligence Agency had a plan to do this very thing to Jack Anderson:
It was never carried out because Anderson wore gloves when he drove.
        Later in the case while Mazzocchi's wife was packing to move, a
sophisticated bug had fallen off the back of the kitchen clock when she
took it off the wall, a bugging device so sophisticated that no detector
could pick it up.  Its level of sophistication indicated it had to be
obtained through the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security
Agency, or somewhere like Audio Intelligence, a secret spy school for
CIA-types.
        Congressman Tom Bamberger, who held a low opinion of corporate
morality, wanted to hold public hearings, an idea which implied that he
"didn't have much faith in the Atomic Energy Commission inspectors" or
the owners of Kerr-McGee.  To hold hearings would go up against
formidable resistance from Kerr-McGee.  No witnesses wanted to talk in
Kerr-McGee country.  Kerr-McGee seemed to own the whole place.  When he
thought about using subpoena power to obtain company records, he didn't
think it would be successful because the local judges would just quash
the subpoenas "and never miss a beat."  He said his best witness was
dead, and, having heard the rumors, believed Silkwood had been a
"sex-crazed pothead."
        Bamberger's public hearings never happened:  He was unable to get
any support for them after Kerr-McGee spoke to the right people, not
twisting arms, just purring.  "They can purr real nice when they want."
        There were disturbing comments from Silkwood's old roommate,
Sherri Ellis.  She isolated herself for the most part after Silkwood's
murder.  But one time she had been seen in town at a motel with "two men
from Kerr-McGee, her face all red-eyed and screwed into a grimace."
After that, she betrayed Silkwood by saying that the idea that Silkwood
might steal plutonium to embarrass Kerr-McGee was an idea to be considered.
        Sara, a Silkwood supporter and political activist, later spoke
with Sherri and got the whole story of how Kerr-McGee had terrorized her
when she was hardly more than a teenager:

        If you've ever been locked up, you'd know what it was like.
There were two of them, company men in white shirts; they took me to the
Broadway Motor Inn.  They didn't rough me up.  But they kept me there a
long time and made me believe I'd be the scapegoat if I didn't say Karen
did it to herself.  After a while I would've told them anything.

        Sherri had been fired after hiring a lawyer to handle
negotiations with Kerr-McGee about compensation:  Plutonium had
contaminated her, too.  She got sick.  Her gums were hurting.  She
couldn't keep down any solid foods, and her muscles ached all over.  But
her lawyer lost interest in the case real fast, as did the police.  Her
new apartment had been broken into twice within the first few weeks that
she lived there.  The police laughed at her, saying, if nothing was
taken, then it didn't count.  During the second break-in, someone had
framed her, planting dope in her closet.  After that, she went a little
nuts, then quietly disappeared so they would leave her alone.
        She disappeared to her grandmother's old, deserted farm, where
she began to write a book about the case wherein Kerr-McGee was the
culprit.  The farm was isolated, no phone, and no close neighbors.  After
she went to town and showed her manuscript around, harassment started
again.  One day she heard noises and went to get her shotgun:  It had
been stolen.  She saw a man's shadow around the corner of the house.

        The ducks stopped shrieking and it got quiet.  I slid under my
bed and held my breath.  Stayed there an hour, maybe two, listening for
footsteps on the stairs.  Couldn't hear a thing.  Finally I got bold
enough to come out.  The man had laid a board across the porch railing
and he'd put one of my ducks on the board.  It was all stretched out; its
neck was snapped.  I took it to mean that's what I was gonna be, dead as
a duck.

        After that, she escaped to a Colorado cabin in the woods.
        When confronted by Kitty Tucker and Sara Nelson, two political
activists, about having dropped the case, Sara told a Justice Department
representative, "Plutonium couldn't just grow in Karen's refrigerator.
The dents in her car couldn't have happened by themselves."  The Justice
Department representative said the dents were caused by the tow-truck men
and the car going off on the wrong side of the road was caused by a
strong crosswind.
        When asked for a copy of their report, he responded that in cases
where there is no prosecution, they don't make their reports public.  He
then accused the women of watching too many who-dun-its on TV.
        Later, when interviewed on the news, Sara informed them that the
Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Justice Department were engaged
in a cover up, one that congress should investigate.
        Investigator Stockton formally requested copies of the Justice
Department files, but was denied.  The Justice Department spokesman said
it was because the case was still under active investigation, when just
the day before the whole case had been closed.  The spokesman also said
it was because part of the case was not available for review due to
national security.  When asked which part, he said he couldn't say due to
national security.
        Even after three months, Stockton was denied full access.
        When it came to the plutonium unaccounted for, Stockton couldn't
understand why the Federal Bureau of Investigation had not jumped all
over the case.  If someone had stolen it, the thief had to be someone
high up in the company.  A flunky couldn't manage it:  Stealing a
milligram per day would take hundreds of years.  Stockton didn't think
ten flunkies could manage it.  Once the theft had been pulled off, they
would have to have the contacts to sell it somewhere, either to the mob
or a foreign power.
        But as far as Stockton knew, the Federal Bureau of Investigation
never even checked it out.  When he called to ask the agent in charge in
Oklahoma City, the agent told him that he had orders not to discuss the
missing plutonium with anyone, not even the United States Senate.
        Jackie Srouji had been a copy editor for a local newspaper in
Nashville.  But years ago, she had been turned by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation into a mole, secret spy who would report back to them.  In
the Silkwood case, she had access to secret FBI files which had been
denied to congress.  She was also writing a book on the Silkwood case, a
put up job at the request of the Central Intelligence Agency.  But no one
knew this when she had been called to testify at the hearings.
Unfortunately, she gave testimony which revealed nothing new.  Only after
lulling everyone to sleep with her dull recital, she then interjected
insults about Silkwood's personal life which had nothing to do with the
hearings and which were mere rumor, just character assassination.
        Later, her book was also revealed to be merely another character
assassination on Silkwood.  Srouji said alleged narcotics paraphernalia
had been discovered in Silkwood's possession, meaning glass beakers and a
hog-nosed needle used in the kitchen for cooking.  Stockton said, "Karen
would've looked like a small-pox survivor if she'd ever jammed that into
her skin."  But Silkwood's body had no needle tracks and best friends
confirmed that she never used a needle.
        Srouji also mentioned an anonymous source, probably James
Reading, who said that "if [Silkwood] was any kind of human being at all,
do you think she would have left her three children?  Lesbies don't
care.  They'll do anything, and that is a significant factor in this
investigation."
        The first move in the investigation made by Olson, an agent from
the Federal Bureau of Investigation, had been to visit Reading at
Kerr-McGee, excited about the dossier Reading had compiled on Silkwood.
Olson's job had been to simply prove Kerr-McGee's side of things.  He
"devoted himself to finding everyone Karen had slept with."  He would get
really jacked up about anything that had a sexual angle.  As soon as he
heard about the contaminated baloney and the in vivo body count being
high all through her vaginal area, it was obvious to him that Silkwood
had been abusing herself with it:  He had mistakenly assumed the baloney
was the sausage type, not sliced.
        Even the phony story about the sixty mile per hour crosswind
making Silkwood's car veer on the highway came from the bureau.  An old
lady in Dallas phoned the FBI with some story about a howling crosswind.
A check with the weather bureau revealed the wind that night to be
fifteen miles an hour from the northwest, coming from behind the car, not
a crosswind.  But Olson took the old lady's report as gospel.  It was no
wonder the bureau resisted so hard when asked to turn over their files.
        The dossier compiled by Reading was Kerr-McGee's insurance
against Silkwood's family suing, lest Karen's private life be made into
headlines.  Olson introduced Srouji to Reading.  Srouji's book was to be
a sample of what could happen if the Silkwoods sued.  At the request of
the Central Intelligence Agency, Srouji was to write the book in order to
have an excuse to make inroads in the nuclear industry:  Olson had
written in an FBI teletype, "It had been suggested that she write a book
on the nuclear industry in order to make contacts in that area."
        Olson's investigation for the Federal Bureau of Investigation
seemed incompetent in the extreme.  "You can't be as incompetent as he
was without doing it deliberately.  On everything crucial Olson fell down
on the job."  He even took Reading's word for it about the missing
plutonium.
        A man who had worked under Hoover and had been with the Federal
Bureau of Investigation for forty years, now the number two man in the
bureau, Nicholas Callahan, paid a visit to Senator Dingell's office after
Srouji's admission that she had gotten access to secret bureau files.
When Dingell asked about Srouji, Callahan attempted to intimidate him;
told him he was badgering Kerr-McGee, the most important corporation in
the state; said his Energy and Environment subcommittee should have
little interest in the irrelevant area of a car accident; said the
"people behind this are misguided fanatics.  They see conspiracies
everywhere.  You have my word, the Bureau has given this case as much
attention as anything since the Reverend King killing," a reassurance
that was patently questionable.
        At the hearings, Lawrence Olson, the FBI agent who had been
Srouji's handler, came to testify.  Strangely, he was accompanied by two
extra agents who never left his side.  Investigator Stockton couldn't
decide if the extra agents were there to support him or keep him under
guard.  After testifying each day, Olson would then telephone Stockton at
home late at night, begging that Srouji be left out of the questioning to
prevent her from being hurt.  He started the first phone call by saying,
"Now I know what it feels like to be captured by the Gestapo."  He also
said the bureau could never afford to tell the truth in this matter and
never would.  He told Stockton that he was in over his head and would
never be able to figure out what was going on because it was so
complicated:  "You'll go crazy trying" to figure it out.
        Stockton later tried to speak to Olson alone at the hearings, but
his guards were ever vigilant, at his side even in the men's room.
        Congressman Dingell phoned John Seigenthaler, owner of the
newspaper where Srouji worked in her cover position as a journalist.
Dingell said, "You have an employee who claims to be in possession of
secret FBI documents.  She's either lying or she's in tight with the
FBI.  We'd like to know which."
        Seigenthaler then investigated.  Other employees verified that
she had the best contacts when it came to the bureau.  When he confronted
Srouji, she broke down.  She said the bureau was intimidating her, forced
her to sign a paper saying she had never officially received any files.
She said she had met Olson twelve years before when she became an
informant for the bureau at age nineteen when she worked for James
Stahlman, publisher of the Banner.  Stahlman was a personal friend of
Hoover.  She infiltrated the Students for a Democratic Society, and hung
out with students in New York and Berkeley, surveilling for the bureau.
Now the bureau was threatening to smear Srouji by telling everyone she
was a Soviet agent.  She said the FBI sees communists everywhere, and had
even asked about the radicals who worked for Seigenthaler.  Seigenthaler
said, "What radicals?"  Srouji explained she had only been attempting to
appease the bureau by telling them Seigenthaler's news editor was radical
because he had spoken out against nuclear energy.
        Seigenthaler was the nephew of a law enforcement career man, and
was, himself, a law and order man who also required to see a warrant for
any search.  He had assisted Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy.
Seigenthaler had his skull opened by the Ku Klux Klan in Alabama during
the freedom rides, while agents from the bureau stood by doing nothing
but taking notes.  He also knew that Olson was "the FBI agent to see if
you wanted to hear the Martin Luther King tapes."  Olson was famous for
playing the tapes as a form of entertainment.
        Seigenthaler ran a front page article, firing Srouji, but blaming
the bureau for having used and exploited her.  He also filed a formal
complaint with the Office of Professional Responsibility within the
Justice Department about the bureau infiltrating his office.  Within an
hour of filing the complaint, another FBI agent, Boynton, visited the New
York Times reporter who covered the federal police beat, and implied that
Seigenthaler should be investigated because he wasn't pure.  Upon hearing
this, Seigenthaler invited them to investigate him all they wanted.  He
also remembered that Boynton had been the agent who had pressured Srouji
into signing the paper.  He also wondered if the reason the Federal
Bureau of Investigation was strongarming him to back off was because of
the Silkwood case.
        The bureau was using Hoover's old tricks.  When asked if all of
Hoover's dossiers of dirt on everyone had been destroyed upon Hoover's
death, investigator Stockton replied, "If you believe that, you better
watch out for door-to-door salesmen."
        True to form, the bureau then publicly smeared Seigenthaler in a
New York Times article, saying it believed Seigenthaler to be part of a
criminal syndicate and had a diabolical mind, but later review of the
bureau files indicated that their information was merely rumor which they
hadn't been able to corroborate.
        Another agent testified that Srouji had met with the Federal
Bureau of Investigation thirteen times in the weeks just before her
testimony was given.
        The Federal Bureau of Investigation made themselves look
ridiculous when it tried "to lump housewives and newspaper columnists in
with Stalin."  When asked why they were keeping dossiers on anyone
opposed to nuclear energy, the bureau agent replied that the communist
party had a plan to discourage the use of nuclear power in the United
States.  When asked whether this was a hypothetical plan or was it really
true, the FBI agent said, "I would have to check.  Uh, the last time I
saw the Communist Party program, it was several years ago...."
        Immediately after Srouji's testimony, the bureau paid for her a
Florida vacation.  After the vacation, she was on the news again, this
time saying the bureau was trying to discredit her so she wouldn't talk,
that Silkwood had information on at least forty pounds of plutonium that
had been stolen, and that Silkwood had the exact figures in her
possession which pinpointed a skewed inventory and nuclear smuggling.
        When Srouji took to the news with this information, the bureau
retaliated by smearing Srouji, saying she was mentally unstable, and by
harassing her family, her parents and her grandmother.  Strangely, she
had been sane enough for the last fourteen years to work for the bureau
and be in the Naval Reserve, placed in a secret operation called Project
Seafarer.  When Stockton called the Pentagon to get a copy of her
discharge, he found out her entire file was missing from the army, but
that Callahan of the FBI had a copy, one that Srouji swears was a phony.
        When Stockton had visited Srouji's book publisher, two things
struck him as very odd:  First, the offices did not feel right.  They
looked temporary, and the boss didn't look like an editor, but a Foreign
Legion officer.  Second, they inexplicably assigned a secretary to drive
Stockton to the airport.  On the way, she "tried to get very friendly."
The implication was that they were attempting to smear Stockton.  Later,
Srouji admitted the publisher had been CIA.
        Upon further investigation, it was found that Srouji was known to
many political groups, some under various aliases.  She had infiltrated
them, then tried to get members and leaders to do illegal acts, setting
them up.  Orders had been sent from on high from within one of the
intelligence agencies for her to go to Oklahoma City.  Her handler in the
CIA was named DeLorenzo.  He steered her away from the missing nuclear
material, writing in a note, "Concerning the nuclear black market - stay
away from that because it would really cause a blowup."
        Next, they attempted to smear Congressman Dingell with what
appeared to be a clear set up, timed to match with Dingell's deadline in
the Silkwood case for the Federal Bureau of Investigation to cough up its
files.  The smear on Dingell used an officer who had been tipped off by
the bureau.  Some of the evidence had been purchased from an FBI
informant.  Worst of all, the whole case had been set up at least a year
before, as if waiting for just the right time to hit the papers to
discredit Dingell.
        This was when Stockton began to seriously consider thoughts of a
conspiracy.
        Someone from the Justice Department saw and countersigned
everything that Olson did, a cover up on a grand scale.  There was a
Justice Department memo which indicated that a conclusion had been
reached before even a third of the evidence was in, a premature
conclusion that Silkwood's death had been an accident and that there had
been no suspicious circumstances or foul play.  A Fact Memorandum, which
normally takes weeks to write and runs more than a hundred pages, took
only two days to write and ran four and a half pages.  It had been
assigned to Justice Department employee who had already been given
instructions that he was being transferred and had two weeks to close out
all of his litigation.  They obviously did not want a thorough job done
on the Silkwood case.
        During the course of the Silkwood case, Callahan and six other
officials from the Federal Bureau of Investigation who had worked
alongside Hoover resigned in disgrace over a scandal where they had been
implicated in accepting kickbacks.
        The sheer scale of scandal within government bothered Stockton
greatly.
        One matronly woman, nicely dressed in a business suit, entered a
National Organization for Women convention and passed out high-gloss,
expensive flyers propagandizing for nuclear power and for Kerr-McGee,
saying defective fuel rods were impossible.  She also propagandized
against Sils, and covertly videotaping people.
        Two private firms specialized in working for the nuclear
industry, Research West and Information Digest.  Georgia Power, owner of
two nuclear reactors, had used both firms.  Georgia Power was located in
Atlanta, along with the World Nuclear Fuel Market, the gray market.

        Georgia Power even had its own undercover squad with a $750,000
annual budget, nine undercover agents, and lots of fancy-dandy arcana out
of a spy catalogue: infrared telescoping cameras, fingerprint kits,
two-way radios, a videotape unit, drug-analysis kits, and surveillance
cars with a dashboard flip-switch to change headlight configurations and
trick a driver being tailed.  Georgia Power had justified all this
because thieves had been stealing equipment from its Hatch nuclear
plant.  It appeared, however, that the thieves were corporate executives,
not working stiffs, and when William Lovin tried to prove it, he had been
fired.




Kind regards,

***********************  V  *************************
          DEATH TO THE NEW WORLD ORDER
****************************************************

Linda Thompson
American Justice Federation
Home of AEN News
& news videos, "Waco, the Big Lie,"  "America Under Siege"
3850 S. Emerson Ave.
Indianapolis, IN 46203
Telephone:  [phone]
Fax:  [phone]
Internet:  [e-mail]

**************************************************
   Remember Waco.  The Murderers are still free.
***************************************************

The Army courtmartialed Spc. Michael New
for not wearing a U.N. hat, but the Army won't
courtmartial the 160th and 158th Special Operations,
82nd Airborne, Ft. Hood Cav and 10th Mountain Div.
soldiers who helped MURDER CHILDREN at Waco.

What's wrong with this picture?

********************************************

Do you pay taxes because you are afraid if you don't, the feds will take
your paycheck, your house, your car, and put you in prison?
Funny, when the mafia does it, that's called CRIMINAL EXTORTION.

THIS YEAR, JOIN 50 MILLION AMERICANS AND JUST SAY NO.

                    And never give up your guns.

***********************************************
The reasonable man adapts himself to the world;
the unreasonable one persists in trying to adapt the world to himself.

Therefore all progress depends on the unreasonable man.
                                                         -George Bernard Shaw